History 54N Sunmit Hallur
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About this project

About me

I’m a rising senior at Stanford majoring in Economics with a minor in Civil Rights history. I decided to take History 54N because it sat directly at the intersection of my interests. In the class as the quarter went on, I kept noticing the same pattern across texts: Black women were present in the archive, but their voices were repeatedly constrained by the social and institutional settings around them.

In our very first classes, we talked about Amy Sherald and Anita Hill, and even though this was my first real introduction to black womens' experience, I could clearly see the cage these women were trapped in. For Black women, speaking up often meant choosing between testimony and community protection. Telling the truth could be framed as harming the legacy of a successful Black man. We saw that dynamic from Anita Hill’s testimony on Clarence Thomas to Drew Dixon’s account of Russell Simmons. Later, in the antebellum unit, the same structure appeared in a different form: enslaved Black women were documented less fully than Black men, despite facing severe sexual and physical violence. Harriet Jacobs, for example, had to manage visibility and credibility at the same time. Yet when we discussed slavery’s brutality, violence against Black men often dominated the frame; once we moved into Reconstruction and Jim Crow, the specific horror of lynching dominated it, and that frame too centered mostly on Black men. White Southerners even used the specter of lynching as a retroactive justification for slavery, claiming that enslaved Black men had been docile but emancipated Black men had become dangerous—so white men “had no choice” but to lynch. In both eras, that framing crowded out the sexual and physical violence Black women endured.

Nell Painter’s discussion of soul murder and Harriet Jacobs’s Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl clarified the depth of that silencing for me. Together, they pushed me toward the core question I could not let go of: why did this pattern of silence persist, and how does it shape Black women’s lives today?

As we moved through Tera Hunter’s To ’Joy My Freedom, Nella Larsen’s Passing, Kimberlé Crenshaw’s TED Talk on intersectionality, and Serena Williams’s near-death hospital experience, that question of the silencing and invisibility of Black women became sharper. By the time we had our class conversation with Drew Dixon, I no longer saw this as an isolated pattern. I saw it as a systemic problem, and that is what committed me to this project.

Expectations and Findings

Going in, I definitely underestimated how deep this ran. I figured the politics of respectability were mainly a burden for high-profile Black women like Anita Hill or Serena Williams whose every word and outfit carried weight. It was always clear to me there was some form of systemic discrimination at this level, but I assumed this mostly affected women who had to think about respectability because they were, in effect, always on display.

What I found was much bigger. Dissemblance is very much real in today’s society, and it affects Black women of every age and social strata. For instance, even looking at routine things like going to the hospital, a Black woman can be stereotyped as having higher pain tolerance and as a less competent witness to her own body, even as clinicians undertreat her pain. At the same time, she faces overlapping expectations to perform composure, prove credibility, and avoid being read as angry or unprofessional the moment she advocates for herself. And this is just one example; these pressures show up in classrooms, courtrooms, and workplaces alike, which over time wears down the mental and physical strength of Black women. We discussed this concept in class as "Weathering", and I find this present in nearly every source below.

Overall, what I found is that progress is real in some places, but there is a large difference between the public narratives of advancement and what Black women actually face in clinics, classrooms, and courtrooms. The fact that this is so much worse than what most people think motivated me to make this a website to inform others.

Looking Forward

I don’t think this problem goes away on its own. If anything, doing this research made me see how easily the same patterns repeat, from courtrooms to hospitals to social media. But I also don’t think Black women have ever simply accepted those terms (If there's anything I took away from History 54N, it's this). From Harriet Jacobs to the Combahee River Collective to women speaking up in the #MeToo era, there has always been refusal alongside dissemblance. Progress is real in some places, yet the gap between how far we say we’ve come and what Black women actually live with every day is still huge.

On an individual level, the change I keep coming back to is pretty basic: stop treating a Black woman’s composure as proof that she is fine, and stop demanding that she perform respectability or trauma before you believe her. We need to believe the next Anita Hill or Drew Dixon when they come forward, not 10 years down the line. We need to believe the Black woman trying to explain her pain in an ER without treating her like she is exaggerating. We must stop framing disclosure as betrayal of the broader Black community when a Black man is involved. It's that simple: just listen without prejudice.

On the institutional level, they must carry the weight individuals can’t. Hospitals need to stop undertreating Black women’s pain. Schools need to stop treating Black girls as older or less innocent than they are. Workplaces and courts need systems that don’t punish women for speaking up the way Anita Hill was punished. And honestly, history classes and public memory need to stop treating Black women’s stories as optional. Policy moves slowly, but an informed public can move these policies much faster. That is the hope I have for this website: if more people understand what dissemblance looks like in practice, maybe fewer people mistake silence for consent.

Final Project · History 54N · Spring 2026

What She Did Not Say

Black women often looked open while guarding what exposure could cost them—Darlene Clark Hine called that dissemblance. Neat dress and composed bearing were the public side of what Higginbotham calls respectability politics—a strategy that could win schools and credibility under Jim Crow, but could also judge and punish Black women from within. I pair photographs, blues, pamphlets, and testimony from 1818 to 2024 to separate what was performed for spectators from what was withheld, and to show where courts and cameras mistook the performance for the whole person.

Michelle Obama seated for official portrait
Michelle Obama, official portrait, 2013. Chuck Kennedy, White House, public domain.

Black women labor force participation, 1880 to 2020

Descriptive context only (Goldin 1990; IPUMS; BLS CPS).

What this essay argues

Black women survived surveillance by performing openness while guarding their interior lives. That concealment was a shield against a world that read composure as consent; respectability was its cage and key, the same moral language that won schools and votes also punishing any woman who fell short of it. What looks like silence in the archive is really refusal—and reading it that way restores the desire, violence, and anger these women were never allowed to name aloud.

Part 1

The Question: Whose interior can history see?

Hine defined dissemblance as collective concealment under the threat of rape—not private shame, but a shield when courts and neighbors read composure as consent (Hine 1989). Respectability named the public strategy Baptist women used to win resources; intersectionality names why race and gender cannot be weighed separately when judging either tactic (Higginbotham 1993; Crenshaw 2016).

Editors and jurors treated neat dress and calm tone as proof of virtue. Photographs invite the same misreading unless you ask who composed the frame and who gained from treating the image as complete testimony.

Part 2

Antebellum: Soul murder, sack, garret

Jacobs hid seven years in a garret before publishing how concealment bought time to escape (Jacobs 1861). Miles shows Ashley's sack carrying kinship memory when sale ledgers erased family ties (Miles 2021). Painter's soul murder names psychic damage enslavers documented as property transfers (Painter 1995).

Harriet Jacobs, Gilbert Studios portrait, 1894
Harriet Jacobs, Gilbert Studios, Washington, D.C., 1894. Wikimedia Commons, public domain.

Jacobs, 1894

Portrait after the garret

Jacobs's studio portrait stages composed respectability decades after she hid above her enslaver's store (Jacobs 1861). Cooper Owens shows antebellum doctors treating enslaved women's bodies as teaching material (Cooper Owens 2017). That is one reason concealment was not vanity but perimeter—my word for a defended boundary, a way of keeping the white medical gaze at a distance from a body the law treated as available for others to use.

Women's suffrage parade band, Washington, D.C., 1913
Women’s suffrage parade band, Washington, D.C., 1913. Library of Congress, public domain.

Washington, 1913

Parade as public performance

A suffrage parade band staged women's bodies for press cameras—orderly spectacle that rarely recorded what marching cost Black women excluded from the same political claims (Hunter 1997).

Painter warns historians not to mistake survival tactics for cheerful consent (Painter 1995). Sojourner Truth's carte-de-visite, Miles's sack, and Jacobs's garret narrative are material answers to archives built to see property, not interior life (Miles 2021; Jacobs 1861).

Part 3

The Dawn of Freedom: Work, punishment, church

Hunter's washerwomen strikes show emancipated Black women treating domestic labor negotiations as politics, not household background (Hunter 1997). LeFlouria documents how courts, fines, and convict leasing re-ensnared Black women after slavery's legal end (LeFlouria 2015).

Women on New York City subway 1958
Women riding on the subway, New York City, July 1958. Angelo Rizzuto, Library of Congress.

Hunter, 1997

Commute as surveillance

Hunter reads Atlanta washerwomen's 1881 strike as wage politics authored by Black women (Hunter 1997). A 1958 subway photograph catches the same pattern: women moving between paid work and home while the camera fixes them as anonymous types, not workers with demands.

Outside Black church Little Rock 1935
Sunday in Little Rock, Arkansas, 1935. Ben Shahn, Library of Congress, public domain.

Little Rock, 1935

Sunday dress as collective claim

Shahn's church photograph can read as a respectability cliché—or as proof that congregations dressed Jim Crow's moral order for public view. Hats and suits were leverage, not mere vanity, when citizenship itself was contested (Hunter 1997).

NACW club mottoes and Sunday hats operated beside that state violence—mutual aid and uplift language when employers and sheriffs refused simpler shelter.

Spectacle and entrepreneurship

Walker's portraits sell individual triumph, but Hunter and Salem situate her hair-care empire inside a national market that commodified Black women's grooming while rarely crediting their business logic (Hunter 1997; Salem 1990). Presentation was inventory—bodies staged for spectators. White audiences mistook the carefully built public image for Black women's actual intentions and inner lives, never seeing the strategic, protective work the presentation was doing.

Madam C J Walker portrait
Madam C. J. Walker. Wikimedia Commons, public domain.

Schools, clubs, and collective defense

Burroughs and the NACW built schools and federated clubs that taught deportment as collective defense—training women to pass the white employers, landlords, and courts who decided their wages, housing, and credibility, when no simpler shelter existed (Salem 1990; Hunter 1997).

Nannie Helen Burroughs
Nannie Helen Burroughs. Library of Congress, public domain.

Emblem and enrollment

The NACW seal (“Lifting As We Climb”) and rising club counts track the same strategy: moral language in public, mutual aid underneath (Jones 1990; Salem 1990).

NACWC seal
Seal (“Lifting As We Climb”). Reproduced for identification; fair use.

NACW club growth

Affiliated NACW clubs grew from founding through the mid-1920s (Jones 1990; Salem 1990).

Historians disagree on exact counts; bars show direction, not precision.

NACW affiliated clubs, 1896 to 1924

Timeline

Sixteen moments, 1818 to 2024

Each card ties one date to how Black women managed visibility, labor, or testimony—and what that moment cost in credibility or risk.

Women on subway as timeline header image
Transit photographs recur because commuting Black women moved between wage work and surveillance—cameras rarely asked what the commute cost them.

    Part 4

    Activism: Wells against the lynching script

    Wells's Southern Horrors documented lynching with names, dates, and press clippings—evidence against newspapers that called mob murder honorable (Wells 1892). Bederman shows Wells appealing abroad to civilization and manhood ideals white audiences claimed to uphold, forcing them to reconcile rhetoric with practice (Bederman 1995).

    Wells did not calibrate her tone. She was direct, fearless, and unapologetic: she exposed what she called the “threadbare lie” that Black men were raping white women, showed how consensual relationships were recast as rape once discovered by white fathers, brothers, or husbands, and insisted that Black women were the ones being violated (Wells 1892). She urged boycotts, migration out of the South, and the right to bear arms in self-defense—and when Memphis ran her out for her writing, she kept publishing anyway.

    Ida B. Wells-Barnett portrait by Mary Garrity
    Ida B. Wells-Barnett. Mary Garrity, via Google Art Project. Wikimedia Commons, public domain.
    Nannie Helen Burroughs portrait
    Nannie Helen Burroughs. Library of Congress, public domain.

    Part 5

    The Blues and Passing: Dissemblance set to music and fiction

    Davis reads blueswomen naming desire, betrayal, and violence in lyrics that church uplift often circled indirectly (Davis 1998). On stage, blues performance worked as dissemblance in both directions: lyrics could name pain, desire, and resistance plainly, while persona, metaphor, and the frame of the song let the singer reveal and conceal at once—keeping her interior life shielded even as she spoke. Larsen's Passing treats racial passing as dissemblance with psychic costs when intimacy and surveillance collide (Larsen 1929). Hall's 2021 film tightens those gazes for viewers used to being watched (Hall 2021).

    The 1915 Peace Party platform shows how respectability language crossed national borders in women's reform circles—the same era blueswomen were naming what reform speeches smoothed over (Davis 1998).

    Woman's Peace Party preamble and platform, Washington, January 1915
    Woman’s Peace Party platform, Washington, D.C., January 1915. Historical document; see Library of Congress, Women of Protest.

    Part 6

    Civil Rights and Black Power: Disclosure under fire

    McGuire centers sexual violence and community testimony in civil rights origins (McGuire 2004). Ransby recovers Ella Baker's grassroots organizing against icon-only memory (Ransby 2003). The Combahee River Collective names intersectional politics that respectability scripts could not hold (CRC 1977). Lorde argues anger is data, not embarrassment (Lorde 1981).

    The Tougaloo Nine wore Sunday dress to a segregated library sit-in—respectability as tactical uniform (1961). Later natural-hair movements refused cosmetic standards tied to whiteness. McGuire, Ransby, Combahee, and Lorde map four pressures on what Black women could say aloud: assault testimony, democratic organizing, identity politics, and anger itself (McGuire 2004; Ransby 2003; CRC 1977; Lorde 1981).

    Tougaloo Nine
    The Tougaloo Nine after the Jackson Municipal Library sit-in, March 1961. Tougaloo College Archives; see Smithsonian Magazine.
    Natural afro portrait
    Natural Type 4c hair (model Gwyneth Ellis). Stephen Dickson, Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA 4.0.
    Black Panther Party Free Breakfast program flyer, 1970
    Black Panther Party Free Breakfast program flyer, Washington, D.C., 1970. Wikimedia Commons, public domain.

    Part 7

    Contemporary: Credibility traps in medicine, schools, and courts

    Sharpe's wake names slavery's afterlife as daily atmosphere, not past tense (Sharpe 2023). Villarosa documents clinicians undertreating Black pain while stereotyping patients as less credible witnesses to their own bodies (Villarosa 2022). Cottom tracks competence and beauty as economies Black women must pay to enter public life (Cottom 2019). Epstein, Blake, and González show schools adultifying Black girls—reading them as older and less innocent than white peers (Epstein, Blake, and González 2017).

    BA attainment among Black women age 25 plus, 1940 to 2022

    Rising degrees did not end pain undertreatment, adultification, or disbelief in testimony.

    Series blends Census decennial and American Community Survey estimates for visualization (U.S. Census Bureau).

    Anita Hill's 1991 Senate testimony, #MeToo, and On the Record (Dick and Ziering 2020) show the same credibility trap in law and entertainment: Black women risk community backlash when accusing powerful Black men. Sherald's Breonna Taylor portrait and Say Her Name campaigns make mourning visible while justice lags—visibility is not the same as belief or repair (Princenthal 2024).

    #MeToo protest sign reading Can You Hear Me Now
    “Can You Hear Me Now?” #MeToo sign, New York City, 2018. Wikimedia Commons, CC BY 2.0.
    Women's International League for Peace and Freedom emblem
    WILPF emblem (founded 1915). International women's peace networks used respectability rhetoric to claim moral authority across borders—another public face for reform politics. WILPF.

    Part 8

    Conclusion: Shield, cage, refusal

    Shield

    Dissemblance hid interior life when rape culture and surveillance made disclosure dangerous (Hine 1989).

    Cage

    Respectability won schools and votes for Baptist clubwomen—and punished women who missed the performance (Higginbotham 1993).

    Refusal

    Blues, Combahee, Lorde, and contemporary portraiture named desire, anger, and grief that uplift speech coded indirectly (Davis 1998; CRC 1977; Lorde 1981; Sharpe 2023).

    When a narrative sounds too neat about Black women's motives, check the gap between what was performed and what was withheld. Neither dissemblance nor respectability maps cleanly onto virtue or cowardice—both cost labor that audiences rarely repaid.

    Five voices on the gap

    Ask me anything

    Ask about Jacobs, Wells, Hine, the timeline, or any section—answers cite this essay and course readings only. Same tool as the Guide in the top bar.

    in the sidebar for the same chat while you read.

    Part 9

    Sources

    Secondary sources

    Image credits and licenses

    Source, credit, and license for each image in the essay.

    Image Credit License
    Michelle Obama, official portrait, 2013 Chuck Kennedy, White House Public domain
    Sojourner Truth, c. 1870 Wikimedia Commons Public domain
    Harriet Jacobs, Gilbert Studios, 1894 Wikimedia Commons Public domain
    Ida B. Wells-Barnett Mary Garrity, via Google Art Project, Wikimedia Commons Public domain
    Audre Lorde, Austin, Texas, 1980 K. Kendall, Wikimedia Commons CC BY 2.0
    Christina Sharpe, faculty portrait York University Courtesy; educational use
    Women’s suffrage parade band, Washington, D.C., 1913 Library of Congress Public domain
    Women on the New York City subway, July 1958 Angelo Rizzuto, Library of Congress Public domain
    Sunday in Little Rock, Arkansas, 1935 Ben Shahn, Library of Congress Public domain
    Madam C. J. Walker Wikimedia Commons Public domain
    Nannie Helen Burroughs Library of Congress Public domain
    NACWC seal (“Lifting As We Climb”) National Association of Colored Women’s Clubs Fair use (identification)
    Woman’s Peace Party platform, January 1915 Historical document; LOC, Women of Protest Public domain
    The Tougaloo Nine, March 1961 Tougaloo College Archives; Smithsonian Magazine Educational use
    Natural Type 4c hair (model Gwyneth Ellis) Stephen Dickson, Wikimedia Commons CC BY-SA 4.0
    Black Panther Party Free Breakfast flyer, 1970 Washington Area Spark, Wikimedia Commons Public domain
    “Can You Hear Me Now?” #MeToo sign, New York City, 2018 Wikimedia Commons CC BY 2.0
    Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom emblem WILPF Fair use (identification)

    Stanford History 54N, Spring 2026 · non-commercial course project

    SFMOMA exhibition reference for Sherald: Amy Sherald: American Sublime (2024).